IRLF 


SB    23    013 


o 
r^ 
10 


LIBRARY 

OF    THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 
Class 


' QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY.— No.  CIL 


POLITICAL  PARTIES  AND  PARTY 
POLICIES  IN  GERMANY 


BY 
JAMES   HOWARD  GORE 

THE    COLUMBIAN    UNIVERSITY 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S   SONS 


NEW  YORK 

TWENTY-THIRD    STREET 


LONDON 

24  BEDFORD  STREET,  STRAND 


bc  |\  nicker  bother 
1903 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY. 

(  The  numbers  omitted  represent  Monographs  no  longer  in  print.) 

9 — The  Destructive  Influence  of  the  Tariff  upon  Manufacture  and 
Commerce,  and  the  Figures  and  Facts  Relating  thereto.  By 
J.  SCHOENHOP.  Octavo,  cloth,  75  cents;  paper  .  40 

14—"  The  Jukes."  A  Study  in  Crime,  Pauperism,  Disease,  and 
Heredity.  By  R.  L.  DUGDALE.  Octavo,  cloth  .  .100 

23 — Social  Economy.  By  J.  E.  THOROLD  ROGERS.  Octavo, 
cloth 75 

24 — The  History  of  the  Surplus  Revenue  of  1837.  By  EDWARD  G. 
BOURNE.  Octavo,  cloth  .  .  .  .  •  .  .  i  25 

25 — The  American  Caucus  System.  By  GEORGE  W.  LAWTON. 
Octavo,  cloth,  i. oo ;  paper  .....  50 

28 — The  Postulates  of  English  Political  Economy.  By  WALTER 
BAGEHOT.  Octavo,  cloth  .  .  .  .  .100 

30 — The  Industrial  Situation.  By  J.  SCHOENHOP.  Octavo, 
cloth i  oo 

35 — Unwise  Laws.     By  LEWIS  H.  BLAIR.     Octavo,  cloth  ~.     i  oo 

36— Railway    Practice.     By    E.    PORTER    ALEXANDER.     Octavo, 

cloth    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  .    '     75 

37 — American  State  Constitutions:  A  Study  of  their  Growth.  By 
HENRY  HITCHCOCK,  LL.D.  Octavo,  cloth  .  .  75 

39 — Federal  Taxation  and  State  Expenses;  or,  An  Analysis  of  a 
County  Tax-List.  By  W.  H.  JONES.  Octavo,  cloth  .  i  oo 

40 — The  Margin  of  Profits.  By  EDWARD  ATKINSON.  Together 
with  the  Reply  of  E.  M.  CHAMBERLAIN,  Representing  the 
Labor  Union,  and  Mr.  Atkinson's  Rejoinder.  Cloth,  75  cents; 
paper  .  40 

43 — Slav  or  Saxon :  A  Study  of  the  Growth  and  Tendencies  of  Rus- 
sian Civilization.  By  WM.  D.  FOULKE,  A.M.  New  revised 
edition.  Octavo,  cloth  .  .  .  .  .  .100 

47— The  Tariff  History  of  the  United  States.  By  F.  W.  TAUSSIG. 
Revised,  and  with  additional  material.  Octavo  i  25 


POLITICAL  PARTIES  AND 
PARTY  POLICIES  IN 

GERMANY 


BY 

JAMES  HOWARD  GORE 

The  Columbian  University 


<>r  THE 
"NIV.    -ISITY 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 
NEW  YORK  &  LONDON 
Ikntcfcerbocfcer  press 
1903 


GENERAL 


COPYRIGHT,  1903 

BY 
JAMES  H.  GORE 


\ 


Ube  ftnfcfierbocfcer  press,  View  I?or1k 


PREFACE. 

During  the  past  decade,  and  more  especially  in  its 
latter  half,  there  has  been  apparent  a  determination 
on  the  part  of  many  persons  in  this  country  to  see  in 
every  legislative  enactment  of  Germany  evidences  of 
hostility  to  the  United  States.  This  inclination  has 
been  stimulated  by  citizens  of  other  countries  who 
would  be  glad  to  see  these  two  great  nations  on 
unfriendly  terms. 

Believing  that  this  opinion  had  no  foundation  in 
fact,  and  thinking  that  the  energies  of  the  German 
legislator  were  directed  solely  towards  the  upbuild- 
ing of  the  Empire,  while  even  the  most  rabid  partisan 
cared  more  for  the  defeat  of  opposing  factions  than  for 
the  embarrassment  of  foreign  nations,  a  careful  study 
was  made  of  the  programs  of  all  the  parties  of  Ger- 
many as  well  as  of  their  attitude  on  all  questions  that 
might  have  a  bearing  upon  international  relations. 
This  examination  was  made  in  the  midst  of  the  last 
campaign,  when  each  faction,  in  its  desire  to  bring 
confusion  to  its  opponents,  zealously  sought  for 
words  and  acts  that  showed  a  hostile  spirit  towards 
friendly  nations. 

The  results  here  briefly  given  include  the  develop- 
ment of  the  platforms  upon  which  the  parties  have 
reached  their  present  status,  the  attitude  they  have 
assumed  upon  the  great  domestic  questions  that  are 


IV  PREFACE. 

foremost,  and  the  position  they  are  likely  to  hold  on 
the  international  problems  of  the  immediate  future. 
This  work  was  undertaken  in  the  desire  to  con- 
tribute somewhat  towards  a  clearer  understanding 
on  our  part  of  the  difficulties  that  confront  a  sister 
nation,  and  with  the  hope  that  out  of  such  knowledge 
a  broader  sympathy  may  come  and  in  its  train  an 
earnest  striving  for  the  maintenance  of  our  present 
friendly  relations. 

J.  H.  G. 


POLITICAL  PARTIES  AND  PARTY 
POLICIES  IN  GERMANY 


Political  Parties  and  Party 
Policies  in  Germany. 


LEGISLATIVE  BRANCH  OF  THE 
GOVERNMENT. 

The  German  Reichstag,  the  successor  of  the  par- 
liamentary organizations  of  the  North  German  Alli- 
ance, is  a  representative  body  in  the  strict  sense  of 
the  term.  According  to  the  statute  of  April  16, 
1871,  the  members  represent  the  interests  of  the 
Empire,  and  in  no  sense  are  representatives  of  a 
single  district  or  State.  Naturally  they  endeavor  to 
safeguard  their  electors,  and  strive  to  promote  legis- 
lation that  promises  their  weal  and  oppose  acts  which 
might  work  their  injury. 

The  law-making  power  of  the  German  Empire  rests 
in  the  Reichstag  and  the  Bundesrat. 

According  to  the  law  of  1871,  there  shall  be  one 
representative  in  the  Reichstag  for  each  100,000  in- 
habitants, and  50,000  or  more  is  regarded  as  100,000 
in  securing  a  representative  for  the  States  having 
a  population  below  the  requisite  number.  There 
has  been  no  redistricting,  so  that  now  there  is 
one  representative  for  about  130,000  persons  in  the 


2  POLITICAL  PARTIES  AND 

Empire,  and  a  few  districts  fall  below  the  50,000 
prescribed. 

Of  the  397  districts,  Prussja  has  236 ;  Bavaria,  48  ; 
Saxony,  23;  Wiirtemberg,  17;  Alsace-Lorraine,  15  ; 
Baden,  14;  Hessen,  9;  Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  6; 
Saxe- Weimar,  3  ;  Oldenburg,  3  ;  Brunswick,  3  ;  Ham- 
burg, 3  ;  Saxe-Meiningen,  2  ;  Saxe-Coburg-Gotha,  2  ; 
Anhalt,  2  ;  and  one  each  for  Saxe-Altenburg,  Meck- 
lenburg-Strelitz,  Schwarzburg-Rudolfstadt,  Schwarz- 
burg-Sonderhausen,  Reuss  the  Older,  Reuss  the 
Younger,  Waldeck,  Lippe,  Schaumburg-Lippe,  Lu- 
beck,  and  Bremen. 

If  one  representative  were  allowed  to  each  100,000 
there  would  now  be  523  members.  Prussia  would 
gain  83,  Bavaria  10,  Saxony  15,  Wiirtemberg  4, 
Hamburg  4,  Baden  3,  and  some  of  the  others  one 
each.  The  question  of  re-organizing  the  districts  is 
an  important  one,  and  is  an  issue  with  the  parties 
which  show  strength  in  the  States  where  gains  would 
be  effected. 

The  Bundesrat  is  made  up  of  delegates  from  the 
individual  States,  fifty-eight  in  number.  The  Im- 
perial Chancellor  presides  over  this  body,  and  any 
measure  that  originates  here  and  secures  the  requisite 
majority  is  known  as  a  Government  proposition.  If 
it  has  been  presented  by  the  Chancellor,  it  is  further 
characterized  as  a  presidial  proposition.  In  either 
case  it  is  the  Chancellor  who  lays  the  measure  before 
the  Reichstag  and  there  urges  its  passage,  with  such 
assistance  from  his  colleagues  in  the  Ministry  as  he 
may  command.  If  the  measure  fails  to  receive  a 
majority  of  the  votes,  the  Emperor  can  dissolve 
the  Reichstag,  and  the  election  must  follow  within 


PARTY   POLICIES   IN    GERMANY.  3 

sixty  days  and  the  Reichstag  be  re-convened  within 
ninety  days. 

From  this  it  will  appear  that  it  is  the  Reichstag  \ 
that  is  on  trial,  and  although  the  new  election  may 
give  the  same  hostile  majority,  the  Ministry  does 
not  fall  nor  is  the  Bundesrat  in  any  way  affected. 
The  proposition  in  question  may  be  modified  in 
such  a  way  as  to  secure  its  adoption,  convincing 
arguments  may  be  found,  or  the  statement  may  go 
forth  that  new  conditions  have  arisen  that  render 
the  measure  unnecessary. 

In  case  a  measure  is  introduced  in  the  Reichstag, 
passes  through  the  usual  parliamentary  stages,  and  is 
there  adopted,  it  goes  to  the  Bundesrat,  where  it 
must  meet  with  approval  in  order  to  be  effective. 
A  failure  to  pass  here  is  simply  a  failure.  It  does 
not  call  -for  any  resignations,  dissolutions,  or  elec- 
tions, and  the  measure  may  be  started  anew  at  the 
instance  of  any  member.  Thus  the  repeal  of  the 
anti-Jesuit  law  has  passed  the  Reichstag  several 
times  but  it  has  not  been  approved  by  the  Bundesrat. 

It  will  be  clearly  understood  that  in  Germany 
a  Government  proposition,  so  called,  is  more  than 
the  will  or  wish  of  the  Emperor.  It  is  the  formu- 
lated desire  of  a  majority  of  the  delegates  of  the 
States  which  form  the  Empire.  To  what  extent 
this  may  represent  or  embody  the  opinion's  or  de- 
sires of  the  sovereign  must  always  be  a  matter  of 
conjecture,  except  in  the  rarest  cases,  or  in  the  minds 
of  those  who  futilely  flatter  themselves  that  they 
possess  the  royal  confidence. 

From  its  organization  the  Reichstag  has  been 
rich  in  parties.  Its  members  grouped  themselves 


4  POLITICAL   PARTIES  AND 

according  to  national,  religious,  economic,  or  social 
questions,;  and  in  their  inability  to  agree  upon  sec- 
ondary issues,  they  have^  formed  and  are  still  consid- 
ering the  formation  of  new  parties. 

In  a  broad  sense,  four  principal  groups  are  recog- 
nizable : 

1.  Conservative: 

Including  German  Conservative,  Imperialists, 
Anti-Semitic,  Farmers'  Union,  Agrarian. 

2.  Liberal : 

Including  National  Liberal,  Liberal  Imperial, 
Lowe-Berger  Faction,  Schauss-Volk  Faction, 
Secessionists,  German  Progressive  (Deutsch- 
Freisinnige),  Progressive  Union,  Popular 
Progressive. 

3.  Particular : 

Including   Centrists   (Clerical   or    Ultramon- 
tane),   South    German,    Guelph,    Protestants 
(Protestler),    Danes,    Lithuanian,   Poles,    Al- 
satians. 
(2  Social-Democrat. 

The  great  majority  of  the  members  belong  to 
one  of  these  parties,  but  there  are  some,  known  as 
Wilde  (wild  or  scattering),  who  are  not  committed 
to  any  faction,  and  others,  called  Hospitanten 
(guests),  who  may  be  counted  upon  as  voting  with 
their  hosts  on  all  important  measures. 

CONSERVATIVE   PARTY. 

In  principle,  the  Conservatives  stand  for  a  con- 
tinuance   of    existing   conditions    on    all    questions 
\       partaining   to    ownership    of    property ;    they    look 
toward  a  maintenance   of   the  prerogatives  of  the 


PARTY    POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  5 

aristocracy  rather  than  their  curtailment ;  they  insist 
upon  authority  rather  than  majority,  and  see  the 
authority  in  the  monarch.  Because  of  the  close 
union  that  existed  so  long  between  the  State  and 
the  Church,  many  of  the  prominent  officials  of  the 
State  Church  belong  to  this  party,  and  there  repel 
the  attacks  made  by  the  masses  against  the  influence 
of  the  clergy. 

The  landowner,  regarding  the  clergy  as  helpful  in 
curbing  the  uprising  of  the  working  classes,  has 
welcomed  the  Protestant  churchmen  as  members  of 
this  party.  In  common,  they  wish  to  see  the  un- 
limited will  of  the  sovereign  carried  out  in  the 
Central  Government,  but  they  desire  to  exercise 
some  authority  within  the  sphere  in  which  their 
interests  lie.  To  them,  the  modern  State  is  strange. 
They  regard  it  as  an  artificial  product  that  has  been 
forced  upon  them,  and  many  would  like  a  return  to 
the  political  conditions  of  1848  if  not  of  1789. 

They  are  regarded  by  the  working  classes  and  the 
small  farmers  as  their  natural  enemy,  and  in  their 
struggles  a  common  interest  in  the  vital  question 
of  ownership  lines  up  the  Conservative  and  the 
Liberal  against  all  attempts  to  draw  issues  between 
those  who  own  property  and  those  who  do  not.  In 
general,  it  is  a  governmental  party,  but  when  they 
feel  that  their  interests  are  in  jeopardy  they  may 
refuse  their  support. 

The  first  enunciation  of  their  principles  was  made 
at  the  Frankfort  Convention  of  June,  1876.  They 
declared  for  the  permanence  of  the  union  and  the 
integrity  of  the  individual  States,  and  expressed  the 
conviction  that  prosperity  could  exist  only  when 


6  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

due  regard  is  paid  to  the  traditional  political,  social, 
and  religious  rights  and  privileges.  Their  belief  in 
a  sovereign  power  was  emphasized  with  local  gov- 
ernment and  a  restricted  suffrage.  Recognizing  the 
right  of  the  State,  in  virtue  of  its  sovereignty,  to 
adjust  the  relations  between  it  and  the  Church,  they 
expressed  a  determination  to  resist  the  encroach- 
ment of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  to  oppose 
any  political  supervision  over  the  internal  manage- 
ment of  religious  organizations.  They  encouraged 
the  upbuilding  of  churches  and  religious  institu- 
tions, the  strengthening  of  church  schools,  and  opposi- 
tion to  a  re-opening  of  the  Kulturkampf.  This  plank 
in  their  platform  was  broadened  later  by  the  as- 
sertions : 

"  State  and  Church,  being  divine  institutions, 
should  work  together  for  the  welfare  of  the  people." 

*4  We  oppose  the  rapid  increase  of  Jewish  in- 
fluence." 

"  We  demand  for  a  Christian  people  Christian 
supremacy  and  Christian  teachers  for  Christian 
schools." 

They  placed  themselves  on  record  as  opposed  to 
the  unrestricted  freedom  demanded  by  the  Liberals 
and  the  errors  and  speculations  of  the  Socialists.  In 
1892^  their  language  was  stronger  when  they  said, 
*'  We  regard  the  adherents  of  social-democracy  and 
socialism  as  enemies  of  the  people." 

At  this  date  the  Reichstag  was  dissolved  because 
of  the  failure  to  grant  the  demanded  increase  in  the 
army,  and  all  parties  re-dressed  their  lines  and  pro- 
mulgated programs  modified  to  meet  some  of  the 
new  conditions,  especially  those  questions  that  were 


PARTY   POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  / 

related  to  the  social  betterment  of  the  people.  The 
Conservatives  sought  to  strike  some  popular  notes 
when  they  announced  their  insistence  upon  economi- 
cal administration,  a  defensive  attitude  on  the  part 
of  the  State  of  such  a  character  as  would  insure  the 
maintenance  of  peace,  and  the  institution  of  sick 
funds,  accident  insurance,  invalid  and  retiring  pen- 
sions ;  the  formation  of  labor  unions,  and  a  fixed 
period  of  apprenticeship ;  the  abolition  of  peddling 
and  the  strengthening  of  legitimate  trade ;  opposi- 
tion to  speculation  in  food  supplies,  and  an  endorse- 
ment of  the  principle  of  protective  tariff. 

During  the  session  of  1892,  certain  laws  were  en- 
acted that  were  thought  to  lay  heavy  burdens  upon 
landed  property  and  to  favor  the  industrial  interests. 
This  called  into  existence  the  Bund  der  Landwirthe, 
or  Farmers'  Alliance.  They  had  so  much  in  common 
with  the  Conservatives  that  they  became  the  Hospi- 
tanten  of  that  party,  after  having  failed  to  bring 
into  one  party  the  agricultural  interests  of  all 
factions. 

The  Conservative  party  had  its  maximum  strength 
in  the  Reichstag  in  1893^  when  they  had  seventy- 
two  members,  and-  during  the  coming  session  they 
will  have  fifty-two. 

In  1 866  a  Free  Conservative  party  was  organized 
to  foster  the  union  of  German  States,  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  became  a  power  in  the  North  German 
Alliance.  Upon  the  creation  of  the  Empire  this 
party  became  known  as  thejmperialists. 

It  is,  above  all  things,  the  party  of  optimism,  and 
usually  stands  ready  to  assist  in  carrying  out  any 
Government  measure.  It  has  endorsed  the  principle 


POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

of  protective  tariff,  though  some  of  its  strongest  ad- 
herents are  engaged  in  industries  that  would  seem 
to  demand  free  trade.%  East  of  the  Elbe,  the  Junker 
element  belongs  almost  exclusively  to  this  party. 
Because  of  the  distance  that  separates  large  estates, 
a  complete  organization  is  impossible,  and  its  mem- 
bership is  varied.  In  it  are  found  the  Silesian  mag- 
nates, the  Junkers  of  the  industrial  world,  and  high 
officials.  For  this  reason  it  was  known  as  the  Ambas- 
sadorial party,  and  in  his  time  it  was  sometimes 
called  Bismarck's  party. 

They  have  no  specific  program,  but  in  their  ap- 
peal for  votes  in  Jj8Q3_  they  advocated  the  increase 
in  the  army,  favored  equal  protection  to  all  forms 
of  labor,  opposed  all  restriction  upon  labor  by  or- 
ganizations, and  announced  their  desire  to  aid  agri- 
culture in  every  way  consistent  with  the  welfare  of 
the  Empire. 

In  1878  they  had  fifty-seven  members  in  the  Reichs- 
tag, and  during  the  coming  session  they  will  have 
only  nineteen,  the  smallest  number  since  the  organi- 
zation of  the  party. 

The  anti-Semitic  faction  is  not,  strictly  speaking, 
a  political  party.  It  is  simply  an  organized  protest 
against  the  successful  competition  of  Jewish  enter- 
prises, and  in  their  appeals  for  votes,  the  Jew  has 
been  denounced  as  a  "  work-giver,  and  therefore 
master  of  the  people."  They  demand  that  the 
Jews  be  treated  as  foreigners,  that  they  be  with- 
drawn from  Christian  schools,  and  that  a  heavy  tax 
be  placed  on  those  lines  of  commerce  in  which  Jews 
are  largely  engaged,  notably  all  forms  of  banking. 

In  the  political  campaigns  the  anti-Semitic  candi- 


( 


PARTY   POLIClfeS.  IN 


date,  as  Zimmermann  in  1900,  does  not  hesitate 
to  say :  "  We  do  not  hate  the  Jew  because  of  his 
religion,  but  combat  him  simply  because  of  his  mas- 
tery over  those  industries  which  ruin  the  produ- 
cing classes."  And  in  June,  1895,  the  Christian  social 
wing  of  this  party  announced  that  it  was  their 
purpose  to  oppose  all  un-Christian  and  non-German 
institutions,  "especially  liberalism,  grasping  Juda- 
ism, oppressive  capital,  and  revolutionary  social 
democracy. 

Here  again  can  be  found  the  influence  of  the 
awakening  to  a  realization  of  the  social  needs  of  the 
people.  For  in  this  same  program  will  be  found 
the  assertion  that  it  is  their  desire  to  narrow  the 
chasm  between  the  rich  and  the  poor,  that  they 
favor  a  limitation  to  the  amount  of  land  that  can  be 
held  by  a  single  owner,  that  instruction  shall  be  free, 
uniform,  and  obligatory,  that  specially  clever  poor 
students  be  helped  by  the  State,  that  legal  fees  be 
reduced,  and  that  insurance  of  all  kinds  be  under 
Government  control. 

For  the  first  time  equal  rights  for  women  are 
announced  as  a  party  issue,  and  women  factory 
inspectors  demanded. 

Declarations  were  also  made  for  a  submission  to 
the  people  of  all  fundamental  laws,  that  representa- 
tives be  paid  for  their  services,  that  the  sessions  of 
the  Bundesrat  be  public,  that  a  progressive  income 
and  inheritance  tax  be  imposed,  that  tax  on  land  be 
lessened,  that  corporation  and  bank  laws  be  revised, 
that  tariff  be  protective,  hospitals  improved,  and,  in 
short,  they  demanded  every  conceivable  social  reform, 
but  added  to  their  list  certain  features,  such  as  strong 


10  POLITICAL  PARTIES  AND 

army,  high  tariff,  State  arbitration,  restriction  of 
production,  and  the  establishment  of  penal  colo- 
nies, which  made  %the  party  unpopular  with  the 
people  in  whose  interests  they  were  supposed  to 
work,  so  that  from  1887,  when  they  secured  their 
first  seat,  until  now  (1902)  their  membership  has 

never  exceeded  ten. 

—  •- 

Much  has  been  said  regarding  Agrarianism,  as 
though  the  principles  suggested  by  the  term  were 
the  issues  of  one  party.  No  such  party  exists,  but 
practically  all  recognize  the  presence  of  the  burdens 
of  which  the  agricultural  communities  complain. 
The  only  respect  in  which  there  is  a  difference 
amongst  them  is  how  the  remedies  are  to  be  applied. 

All  acknowledge  that  wages  for  farm  labor  have 
increased,  and  that  the  price  of  farm  products  has 
decreased,  while  the  output  per  acre  has  not  under- 
gone any  material  change.  Farm  labor  is  also  scarce, 
partly  because  of  the  attractions  of  the  factories  of 
the  cities,  and  partly  because  of  certain  laws  which 
affect  agricultural  labor,  as,  for  example,  the  law  of 
1854  which'  provides  punishment  for  a  person  who 
violates  a  contract  to  work  on  a  farm,  while  no  such 
punishment  is  meted  out  in  other  labor  contracts. 
Then  many  restrictions  are  thrown  around  the  impor- 
tation of  laborers,  as,  for  example,  they  must  have 
permission  to  enter  the  Empire,  they  are  subjected 
to  physical  examination,  and  then  upon  enrolment 
their  stay  is  limited. 

The  decrease  in  the  price  of  farm  produce  is  due 
to  the  rapid  development  of  the  resources  of  other 
countries,  especially  North  and  South  America  and 
Siberia,  and  the  low  freight  rates  that  prevail.  Thus, 


PARTY   POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  II 

the  freight  from  Chicago  to  Hamburg  is  less  than 
it  is  from  Silesia  to  Hamburg,  and  Siberia  promises 
a  still  lower  rate. 

A  large  part  of  the  farm  land  of  the  German 
Empire  is  far  from  fertile,  and  to  meet  the  heavy 
demands  made  upon  the  soil,  artificial  fertilization 
must  be  resorted  to. 

Realizing  the  important  part  which  the  agricul- 
tural potentialities  of  a  State  must  play  in  the  ordi- 
nary course  of  events,  and  the  ultimate  dependence 
a  nation,  because  of  conflicts  with  other  nations, 
may  be  placed  upon  home  supplies,  all  parties  agree 
that  something  should  be  done  for  the  benefit 
of  agriculture.  The  only  question  is  What  and 
How. 

The  first  and  readiest  suggestion  is  protection  in 
the  shape  of  higher  duties  on  foodstuffs,  and  the  re- 
moval of  duties  on  all  forms  of  fertilizers.  This,  of 
course,  opens  up  the  entire  economic  program  of  a 
nation,  and  because  of  the  local  and  personal  interests 
affected,  as  well  as  the  entire  industrial  prosperity, 
it  forms  such  an  important  issue  with  the  various 
parties  that  its  discussion  will  be,  for  the  present, 
deferred. 

LIBERAL   PARTY. 

The  different  phases  of  the  Liberal  party  were  the 
outcome  of  the  struggles  of  the  third  class,  the  Bour- 
geoisie, especially  the  urban  elements,  for  greater  in- 
dustrial opportunities,  as  opposed  to  the  efforts  of 
the  Conservative  factions  to  insure  a  "continuance 
of  the  feudal  system,  the  absolutism  of  the  nobility 
and  the  Church,  and  those  interests  which  were 


v/ 


12  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

common  to  the  Crown,  the  army,  and  the  officials 
of  Church  and  State."  Fundamentally  it  is  a  nega- 
tive party  rather  thah  progressive,  and  usually  arrays 
itself  in  opposition.  They  opposed  class  distinc- 
tions, they  demanded  the  discontinuance  of  serfdom 
in  all  its  forms,  and  even  hinted  at  greater  restriction 
of  the  royal  power.  It  was  the  belief  of  the  organ- 
izers that  they  were  forming  a  people's  party,  and 
this  belief  was  forged  into  a  conviction  by  the  gen- 
erous use  of  such  words  as  "  equality,"  "  brother- 
hood," "liberty." 

The  National  Liberals,  forming  the  right  wing  of 
liberalism,  are  the  strongest,  and  include  the  mine 
owners,  large  manufacturers,  wholesale  dealers  and 
shippers,  or  those  classes  which  represent  mobile 
wealth  in  contrast  to  the  Conservatives,  whose  inter- 
ests centre  about  immobile  property.  While  not, 
either  by  tradition  or  present  professions,  opposed 
to  the  demands  of  the  working  classes,  they  consider 
themselves  the  natural  enemy  of  their  political  or- 
ganization —  social-democracy.  It  was  this  party 
that  assisted  Bismarck  in  carrying  through  his 
"  Church  politics  "  and  later  the  tariff  revision. 

In  membership,  it  had  its  maximum,  155,  in  1874, 
and  its  minimum,  42,  in  1890,  while  its  present 
strength  is  52- 

In  their  program  of  1881,  they  declared  their  alle- 
giance to  the  Kaiser  and  the  Empire,  and  expressed 
a  determination  to  see  the  independence  of  the 
individual  States  preserved.  They  asserted  their 
interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  working  classes,  and 
announced  that,  in  their  opinion,  the  relations  be- 
tween Church  and  State  should  be  friendly.  Too 


PARTY   POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  13 

much  agitation  regarding  local  issues  they  con- 
sidered harmful  in  "  so  young  an  Empire,"  as  it 
tended  towards  disruption.  They  demanded  direct 
taxation,  but  a  kind  that  should  not  overburden  the 
poorer  classes.  Centralization  in  all  forms  was  de- 
nounced, and  then  believing  that  they  had  formu- 
lated a  political  creed  that  would  be  acceptable  to 
many,  they  asked  the  extreme  parties  to  unite  upon 
this  carefully  prepared  middle  ground. 

The  creed  was  simple  enough,  but  not  sufficiently 
vigorous  to  cope  with  questions  that  were  coming  to 
the  front,  in  spite  of  their  hope  that  local  issues 
might  be  avoided.  It  was  therefore  necessary  in 
1884  to  state  clearly  how  they  stood  in  relation  to 
these  new  problems.  They  came  out  boldly  for  a 
defensive  army,  secret  ballot,  uniform  tariff  schedule 
for  the  Empire,  increased  bank  tax,  aid  of  some  sort 
for  agriculture,  spirit  tax  for  the  benefit  of  the  small 
distiller,  law  against  socialism,  and  avowed  their  hos- 
tility to  social-democracy. 

In  1893,  they  voted  for  the  increase  asked  for  in 
the  standing  army,  saying  that  the  reorganization  of 
the  armies  of  France  and  Russia  required  a  corre- 
sponding strengthening  of  the  German  military. 
They  took  occasion  at  this  time,  in  their  appeal  for 
votes,  to  express  an  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the 
mechanic  and  small  tradesman,  and  a  wish  to  see 
an  improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  middle 
class. 

The  "Church  politics"  and  the  tariff  revision  just 
referred  to  caused  a  split  in  the  party  in.i87Q._  One 
faction,  forty-five  in  number,  supported  the  Cl 
cellor,  while  forty -two  formed  the  left  wing  in 


14  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

opposition  to  his  measures.  In  the  next  year  they 
took  to  themselves, the  name  of  Liberal  Union,  and 
in  A 884,  uniting  with  the  Progressive  party,  became 
the  German  Progressive  (Deutsch-Freisinnige)  party, 
en  members  seceded  in  1893  from  the  stand 
taken  by  their  colleagues  on  the  army  question, 
and  organized  the  Progressive  Union.  While  this 
faction  has  had  in  its  membership  men  of  great 
ability,  it  has  never  been  strong  in  numbers,  and 
to-day  has  one  less  than  when  organized  ten  years 


They  favored,  in  discussing  the  military  measure, 
two-year  service,  which  at  will  might  be  increased 
to  five,  and  opposed  with  vigor  all  legislation  that 
might  increase  the  cost  of  living.  With  their  de- 
clared approval  of  the  principle  of  equality,  they 
disapproved  of  anti-Semitic  agitation. 

The  salient  features  in  the  platform  of  the  Ger- 
man Progressive  party  are :  the  development  of  a 
real  constitutional  co-operation  between  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  representatives,  a  legally  responsible 
Ministry,  equal  suffrage,  secret  ballot,  compensation 
for  representatives,  equal  rights  for  all,  liberty  of 
conscience,  religious  freedom,  regulation  of  relations 
of  the  State  to  all  religious  organizations,  permission 
to  organize  labor,  opposition  to  State  control  over 
demand  and  supply  of  labor  and  its  products,  equi- 
table tariff,  abolition  of  all  monopolies  and  favored 
interests,  and  opposition  to  any  curtailment  in  the 
privileges  of  the  representatives.  Their  member- 
ship has  varied  from  sixty-seven  in  1884  to  twenty- 
one  in  1903. 

In  going  before  the  people  in  1893,  their  appeal 


PARTY   POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  15 

for  votes  was  based  upon  their  refusal  to  vote  for 
the  army  bill,  increasing  the  period  of  service  from 
two  to  seven  years. 

Subsequently  they  have  added  to  their  program  a 
demand  for  a  three-year  term  of  service  for  repre- 
sentatives instead  of  five ;  that  elections  be  held  on 
holidays,  so  that  the  working  men  can  vote  without 
loss  of  time  and  wages ;  that  class  privileges  of  all 
kinds  be  abolished,  that  legal  trials  be  held  for  all 
offences,  that  new  avenues  for  work  be  opened  to 
women,  that  military  workshops  be  closed  and  pris- 
on labor  ended,  that  the  "  dead  land  "  be  parcelled 
out  as  farm  lands,  that,  health  supervision  be  under- 
taken by  the  State,  that  the  entire  matter  of  work- 
ing men's  insurance  be  improved,  that  schools  be 
separated  from  the  Church,  and  that  education  be 
free  and  obligatory. 

Another  faction  of  the  Liberal  party  took  the  name 
of  German  People's  party.  Although  it  existed  as 
long  ago  as  1848,  when  it  was  called  the  Democratic 
party,  it  was  not  until  1887  that  it  assumed  suffi- 
cient importance  to  ask  for  representation  in  the 
Reichstag.  In  general  it  is  opposed  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  has  consistently  voted  against  any  in- 
crease in  the  army  or  length  of  services,  but  insists 
upon  personal  services.  It  has  clamored  for  the 
adoption  of  the  constitution  of  1849,  but  in  other 
important  features  it  is  quite  in  accord  with  the 
other  Liberal  factions,  though  it  has  added  a  few 
planks  to  the  platform,  such  as  :  co-operative  or- 
ganizations, opposition  to  Sunday  labor,  maximum 
of  ten  hours  for  a  working  day,  opposition  to 
night  work  in  factories  for  women  and  children, 


J 


l6  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

compulsory  arbitration  between  employer  and  em- 
ployee, eliminatio^  of  indirect  taxation,  revision  of 
factory  Jaws,  and  retiring  pensions  for  working  men. 
Its  maximum  strength  was  eleven  in  1893,  while 
in  the  1903  election  they  secured  only  six  seats. 

THE   PARTICULARISTS. 

In  the  third  group  the  most  prominent  faction  is 
known  as  the  Centrists,  Clericals,  or  Ultramontanes. 

They  have  many  points  in  common  with  the 
Conservatives.  Both  emphasize  the  principle  of 
authority,  and  to  one  or  the  other  belong  practically 
all  of  theJLitJedjTiembers  of  the  Reichstag — fifty-six 
out  of  seventy-seven, — and  both  desire  the  mainten- 
ance of  existing  social  distinctions. 

It  is,  with  the  possible  exception  of  the  Social- 
Democrats,  the  best  organized  party  in  the  Empire, 
and  without  any  exception  it  has  the  most  varied 
and  elastic  program  of  all.  There  was  a  time  when 
it  contained  all  shades  of  popular  parties  who  were 
brought  together  by  Bismarck's  Kulturkampf-politik 
and  held  together  by  Windthorst's  masterful  leader- 
ship. It  has  opposed  general  suffrage,  but  in  its 
more  recent  appeals  for  the  support  of  the  work: 
ing  classes  it  claims  to  have  secured  the  secret 
ballot.  It  voted  against  a  law  for  the  protection 
of  working  men,  but  has  rendered  noble  service 
in-  securing  improvements  in  the  various  forms  of 
insurance. 

It  started  in  1871  as  a  constitutional  party,  and  in 
its  first  appeal  for  votes  declared  that  it  stood  for 
constitutional  rights  for  all,  and  on  this  secured 


PARTY   POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  I/ 

fifty-two  members  and  held,  because  of  the  equal 
strength  of  the  right  and  the  left  wings,  the  balance 
of  power.  Bismarck's  anti-Catholic  policy  was  of- 
fensive to  many  of  the  members  who  were  loosely 
attached  to  the  two  other  great  factions,  and  the 
Centrists  rapidly  gained  in  power,  attaining  their 
maximum  strength,  one  hundred  and  six  members, 
in  1890. 

Since  1887  it  has  assisted  the  Government,  espe- 
cially in  the  army  bills,  and  takes  to  its  credit  the 
reduction  of  the  increase  asked  for  from  23,271 
men  to  16,265,  and  the  extension  of  the  period 
within  which  this  increase  should  be  made  to  three 
and  one  half  years,  after  having  previously  (in  1893) 
voted  against  the  measure  when  its  passage  was 
assured. 

In  1900  the  Centrists  agreed  to  the  Government's 
project  for  a  new  navy  on  condition  that  the  cost 
should  be  met  by  an  increase  in  the  stamp  tax  and 
a  duty  on  foreign  beer,  alcohol,  champagne,  and 
domestic  sparkling  wines. 

The  new  tariff  schedule  received  their  support, 
and  in  return  they  obtained  aid  for  the  widows'  and 
orphans'  insurance  on  the  ground  that  the  new  tariff 
increased  the  cost  of  living.  They  have  sought  to 
placate  the  farmer  by  securing  a  repeal  of  the  law 
governing  the  production  of  alcohol  and  removing 
the  internal-revenue  tax  on  potato  alcohol.  They 
have  favored  the  abolition  of  the  sugar  premium  and 
endeavored  to  secure  a  compensating  benefit  by 
restricting  the  manufacture  of  saccharine  so  that  it 
may  be  made  from  beet  sugar  only. 

The  Kulturkampf  is  dead,  and  Windthorst's  lead- 


1 8  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

ership  is  no  more,  and  there  are  not  wanting  people 
ready  to  prophesy  the  dissolution  of  the  party.  But 
as  long  as  section  two  of  the  .anti-Jesuit  law  of  1872 
is  unrepealed — that  clause  which  forbids  the  admis- 
sion of  foreign  Jesuits  and  reserves  the  right  to  dic- 
tate just  where  each  German  Jesuit  must  live — a 
power  that  is  possessed  but  never  exercised,— as  long 
as  this  remains  a  law,  the  Centrists  will  have  a  strong 
bond  of  union  which,  added  to  the  interest  they  are 
taking  in  social  questions,  and  their  non-committal 
attitude  regarding  many  other  measures,  will  not 
only  keep  them  alive  but  magnify  them  into  such 
proportions  that  they  must  be  considered  in  every 
proposition  that  is  brought  forward. 

The  German  Hanoverian  Imperial  party  came 
into  existence  in  1869,  and  have  had  as  distinguishing 
features  a  return  to  the  condition  of  independence 
that  existed  prior  to  1866,  and  a  general  attitude  of 
opposition  to  all  government  measures.  Their  maxi- 
mum strength  was  eleven  in  1890,  and  their  present 
membership  is  four. 

The  Polish  party,  now  consisting  of  sixteen  mem- 
bers, are  closely  related  to  the  Centrists,  though 
since  Bismarck's  time  they  have  usually  supported 
the  Government.  The  Danes,  now  only  one,  and 
the  nine  Alsatians  rely  upon  local  interests  for  their 
reasons  to  exist  as  parties. 

SOCIAL-DEMOCRATS. 

The  Social-Democratic  party  originated  in  the 
communistic  manifestoes  of  Karl  Marx  and  Friedrich 
Engels  (1847)  anc*  the  labor  agitation  of  Ferdinand 


PARTY    POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  19 

Lassalle  (1862-1864).     In  its  earlier  days  its  creed 
was  practically  the  following  : 

"  Labor  is  the  source  of  all  wealth  and  of  all  cul- 
ture, and  since  effective  labor  is  possible  only  by 
associative  effort,  the  product  of  labor  belongs  to 
society  —  that  is,  to  its  members,  with  equal  right  to 
each  according  to  his  reasonable  necessities." 

"  In  present  society,  the  raw  material  and  machin- 
ery for  production  are  monopolized  by  the  capitalists  ; 
the  dependence  thus  caused  is  the  source  of  misery 
and  slavery  in  all  forms." 

11  The  emancipation  of  labor  demands  the  transfer 
of  raw  material  to  the  common  possession  of  society, 
and  the  communistic  regulation  of  collective  labor 
to  insure  its  best  results  and  the  just  distribution  of 
the  product  of  labor." 

"  The  emancipation  of  labor  must  be  the  work  of 
the  laborer,  with  respect  to  whom  all  others  form  a 
reactionary  mass." 

The  communistic  organization,  after  forty  years  of 
existence,  passed  under  the  direction  of  Liebknecht 
and  Bebel  into  a  labor  organization  pure  and  simple, 
and  uniting  with  itself  the  labor  unions  of  various 
sorts  became  in  1875  a  single  party  of  considerable 
importance. 

Having  its  origin  in  what  it  termed  a  grievance, 
the  leaders  of  the  organization  sought  to  correct  the 
abuses  it  thought  existed  by  violent  utterances  and 
radical  measures.  The  natural  result  was  an  align- 
ment of  opposing  interests  and  the  ultimate  passing 
of  the  socialistic  law  of  1878. 

Although  having  leaders  of  great  ability  and 
earnestness,  it  is  doubtful  if  this  party  could  ever 


•  20  POLITICAL   PARTIES   A^7D 

have  achieved  any  political  significance  if  it  had  not 
been  aided  from  an  unexpected  quarter. 

Beginning  with  1879,  industrialism  in  Germany 
made  phenomenal  advances,  which,  in  a  large  meas- 
ure, could  be  assigned  to  two  causes  :  the  application 
of  science  to  industrial  arts,  whereby  the  cost  of 
production  was  lessened  by  the  utilization  of  waste 
products  and  economical  power,  and  the  disciplinary 
training  which  the  military  service  gave  to  the  young 
men,  making  it  possible  to  organize  effectively  large 
concerns  with  a  consequent  economical  adminis- 
tration. 

The  result,  whether  due  to  the  causes  named  or 
not,  was  the  rapid  development  of  an  enormous 
number  of  manufactories  of  all  kinds,  the  calling 
into  industrial  centres  of  large  armies  of  laborers, 
and  the  withdrawal  of  men  from  the  farms.  This 
at  once  brought  out  a  feeling  of  antagonism  on  the 
part  of  the  farmers  thus  weakened,  and  the  gathering 
together  of  men  presented  an  opportunity  for  the 
discussion  of  grievances  based  in  part  upon  the  com- 
parison of  the  financial  and  social  condition  of  the 
employer  and  employee. 

The  dissatisfaction  resulting  from  this  contrast, 
and  the  awakening  of  wants  in  excess  of  the  ability 
to  meet  them,  brought  about  a  condition  of  social 
unrest,  which  in  the  hands  of  the  agitator  furnished 
the  foundation  whereon  to  construct  a  political 
party. 

It  is  likely  that  the  prosecutions  because  of  social- 
istic utterances  aided  rather  than  retarded  the  growth 
of  this  party,  but  after  the  large  gains  of  1890,  when 
they  elected  thirty-six  members  to  the  Reichstag,  the 


PARTY   POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  21 

enforcement  of  the  law  against  socialism  became 
rarer,  and  in  the  freer  permission  to  hold  meetings 
many  organizations  were  formed,  then  brought  into 
harmonious  action,  and  the  result  has  been  a  stead- 
fast growth  in  their  representation  until  now  they 
can  boast  of  eighty-one  —  a  gain  of  twenty-five  at 
the  1903  election. 

The  program  of  the  Social-Democrats  includes 
many  good  features  of  a  constructive  character  that 
attract  the  honest  laborer  and  his  well-wisher,  and  at 
the  same  time  enough  that  is  destructive  to  secure 
the  support  of  those  who  are  displeased  with  the 
position  or  prosperity  of  others.  It  announces  that 
all  other  parties  have  sought  to  oppress  the  laborer 
and  build  up  monopolies,  that  small  industries  are 
closed,  men  thrown  out  of  work,  and  the  breach  / 
between  the  rich  and  the  poor  is  daily  growing  ( 
wider.  The  remedy  proposed  is  to  unite  the 
laborers,  secure  political  power,  and  demand  their 
rights. 

In  detail,  they  ask  secret  ballot  and  equal  suffrage 
for  all  over  twenty  without  regard  to  sex  (at  present 
only  males  over  twenty-five  can  vote),  a  re-districting 
of  the  Empire,  elections  held  on  a  holiday,  an  elected 
ministry  and  judiciary,  a  militia  in  lieu  of  a  standing 
army,  international  arbitration  instead  of  war,  aboli- 
tion of  all  laws  against  public  meetings,  equal  rights 
for  women,  withdrawal  of  all  grants  to  religious  in- 
stitutions, secularization  of  schools,  free  schools  and 
compulsory  attendance,  abolition  of  capital  punish- 
ment, indemnity  for  acquitted  defendants  in  crim- 
inal causes,  free  medical  attendance  at  births  and 
deaths,  income  and  inheritance  tax,  suppression  of  all 


22  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

indirect  tax,  eight-hour  day  for  labor,  limit  the  mini- 
mum age  of  factory  hands  to  fourteen  years,  give 
all  workmen  thirty-six  hours,  of  uninterrupted  rest 
every  week,  abolish  night  work  except  where  the 
technical  exigencies  prevent  a  suspension  of  opera- 
tion, State  control  of  production,  imperial  labor 
bureau,  unrestricted  labor  unions,  a  demand  for 
hygienic  betterment,  working  men's  insurance  with 
the  insured  represented  in  the  administration,  insur- 
ance against  lack  of  work,  invalidity,  and  accidents, 
salary  for  representatives  in  Reichstag,  ratification 
of  constitutional  amendments  by  the  people,  declara'- 
tion  of  war  and  peace  decided  by  the  people's  repre- 
sentatives, abolition  of  all  duties  that  favor  limited 
industries  or  interests,  and  harmonious  laws  regard- 
ing all  forms  of  labor. 

In  their  various  appeals  for  votes,  special  emphasis 
has  been  placed  upon  the  oppressive  character  of 
the  laws  that  would  be  enacted  in  case  certain  other 
factions  should  grow  in  strength.  The  two  dire 
calamities  that  are  cited  are:  a  possible  modification 
'  of  the  suffrage  laws  whereby  the  property  owner 
would  secure  more  votes,  and  a  tariff  on  food  which 
would  increase  the  cost  of  living.  That  these  argu- 
ments have  weight  was  seen  at  the  1903  election  in 
Saxony,  when  the  Social-Democrats  elected  twenty- 
two  out  of  the  twenty-three  representatives  as  a 
rebuke,  in  part,  to  the  multiple-vote  system  there  in 
use. 

The  relative  strength  of  the  parties  is  shown  in 
the  following  table  : 


PARTY   POLICIES    IN   GERMANY. 


Session. 

Group  I. 
Conservative. 
(Right.) 

Group  1  1  . 
Liberal. 
(Left.) 

Group  III. 
Particular. 
(Centre.) 

Group  IV. 
Social- 
Democrats. 

1871-1874 

94 

2O  I 

101 

I 

1874-1877 

57 

t  205 

126 

9 

1877-1878 

84 

175 

126 

12 

1878-1881 

127 

135 

132 

9 

1881-1884 

79 

154 

—152 

12 

1884-1887 

1  06 

118 

149 

24 

1887-1890 

_I22 

183 

131 

II 

1890-1893 

no 

1  08 

-^154 

35 

1893-1898 

H7 

9° 

146 

44 

1898-1903 

103 

89 

149 

56 

1903- 

87 

86 

132 

«jBi 

Note. — At  the  1903  election  1 1  scattering,  or  wilde,  were  chosen,  and 
as  they  have  not  yet  voted  on  any  measure  they  cannot  be  allocated. 

With  397  voters  in  the  Reichstag,  199  are  needed 
for  a  majority.  But  in  speaking  of  the  control  or 
balance  of  power,  consideration  must  be  given  to 
those  issues  which  brought  over  enough  voters  from 
the  other  factions  to  secure  the  needed  majority. 

Understanding  this  it  may  be  succinctly  stated 
that  the  balance  of  power  was  held  : 

By  the  Liberals  from  1871-1878,  and  by  the  Con- 
servatives from  1878-1881,  because  of  splits  in  the 
Liberal  party  and  the  attempt  on  the  life  of  the 
Emperor. 

The  period  from  1881-1887  witnessed  the  struggle 
of  Bismarck  against  Windthorst,  JRichter,  and  Bebel, 
during  which  the  parties  divided,  grouped,  and  re- 
grouped themselves  on  each  individual  issue. 

From  1887  to  1890  there  was  a  coalition  for  and 
against  the  proposition  to  increase  the  period  of  mili- 
tary service,  the  Conservatives  and  National  Liberals 
uniting  in  support  of  the  Government  proposition. 

From  1890  to  1895  there  was,  on  many  questions, 
a  combining  of  the  forces  of  the  Conservatives  and 


24  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

Clericals  that  gave  a  safe  majority.  It  will  be  ob- 
served that  this  in  part  covers  the  first  complete 
Reichstag  and  indicates  the.  satisfying  of  all  meas- 
ures in  which  the  Government  was  vitally  interested. 

In  1895  there  arose  certain  differences  between 
these  parties,  growing  in  part  out  of  the  opposition 
of  some  of  the  Clericals  to  the  congratulatory  reso- 
lutions to  Bismarck  on  the  occasion  of  his  eightieth 
birthday.  From  that  date  to  1903  the  Clericals 
held  the  balance  of  power,  and  assiduously  claim  the 
credit  for  all  the  measures  that  have  become  bene- 
ficial laws  and  for  having  ameliorated  the  effect  of 
all  that  have  worked  hardships. 

By  examining  the  following  table  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  fluctuations  in  the  number  of  representa- 
tives does  not  agree  with  the  changes  in  the  number 
of  votes  to  each  representative.  It  will  also  be 
noted  that  the  Social-Democrats  give  for  each  rep- 
resentative more  votes  than  any  of  the  other  fac- 
tions. This  explains  why  it  is  that  they  are  so 
anxious  to  have  the  Empire  re-districted.  If  this 
were  done,  the  number  of  seats  which  they  would 
gain  would  not  be  so  great  as  the  figures  would 
seem  to  indicate,  owing  to  the  fact  that  a  larger 
percentage  of  their  faction  goes  to  the  polls  than  is 
the  case  in  the  others.  If  the  present  law  of  having 
one  representative  to  each  100,000  were  followed 
in  the  re-districting,  126  new  seats  would  be  added 
to  the  Reichstag  and  considerable  change  would 
be  made  in  the  relative  numbers,  giving  a  large  in- 
crease to  the  Social-Democrats,  a  loss  to  the  Cleri- 
cals, a  gain  to  the  Liberals,  while  the  other  factions 
would  remain  nearly  stationary. 


PARTY   POLICIES   IN   GERMANY. 


1898. 

1903. 

Seats. 

Votes  in  looo's. 

Seats. 

Votes  in  looo's. 

Conservative  
Imperial  .             

56 
23 

859.2 
343.6 

52 
19 

909.7 
284.4     . 

Anti-Semitic 

13 

284.3 

9 

244  6 

Farmers'  Union        .  .  .  . 

II 

250.7 

7 

231.6 

Total  for  Group  I.  .  .  . 

103 

1737-8 

i6y8,oot  votes 

87 
i  : 

1670.3 
192,00*  votes 

National   Liberal 

46 

97J.3 

50 

1243.4 

A 

German  Progressive  .... 
Progressive  Union   . 

29 
14 

558.3 
IQ5-7 

21 

9 

523.5 
241.1 

Total  for  Group  II.  . 

89 
i  : 

1725-3 
194,00^  votes 

86 
i  : 

2008.0 
232,  oof  votes 

Centrists  

102 

I/I  c  e    i 

IO2 

ige-J  7 

South  German 

1  08  £ 

QO       S 

Poles  

°J._1  I 

16 

SJj-° 
74O   ^ 

Alsatians  } 
Danes       > 

2'68  2 

272  6 

Guelphs    )                     {i 

- 

Total  for  Group  III. 

149 

I  : 

2075-9 

139,004  votes 

132 

i  : 

2560.6 

194,00*  votes 

Social-  Democrats 

cf> 

2107  i 

81 

OQOC      T 

0^ 

i  : 

176,000  votes 

i  : 

ju^5.i 
373,000  votes 

Unattached   

1  1 

Cf)     A 

397 

7646.1 

397 

9312.4 

J 

: 


1 


26  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

The  increased  vote  at  the  last  election  indicates  a 
more  thorough  organization  that  brought  out  the 
voters  and  the  zeal*  of  the  1 30  new  successful  candi- 
dates who  were  in  the  field.  At  the  1898  election, 
only  68  per  cent,  of  the  qualified  voters  exercised 
their  right  of  suffrage,  and  at  the  1903  election  not 
more  than  70  per  cent,  voted. 

In  the  Empire  there  are  1 1 1  city  districts  and  286 
that  are  wholly  or  in  the  greater  part  country  districts. 
In  the  former,  more  than  half  cast  a  vote  in  excess 
of  70  per  cent,  of  the  registration,  while  in  the  latter 
class  the  majority  of  districts  poll  a  vote  less  than  70 
per  cent,  of  the  registration.  This  fact,  taken  into 
consideration  with  the  further  fact  that  it  is  in  the 
urban  districts  that  the  Social-Democrats  and  Cen- 
trists have  their  greatest  success,  suggests  that  these 
two  parties  have  polled  practically  their  maximum 
vote,  while  the  Conservative  and  Liberal  factions 
have  by  no  means  exhausted  their  resources,  nor, 
perhaps,  even  awakened  to  a  sense  of  any  danger. 

THE   PARTY   PROBLEMS. 

The  great  question  before  the  German  Empire  is 
how  to  adjust  the  relative  necessities  and  demands 
of  two  great  classes — the  industrial  and  the  agrarian. 
The  former  has  made  the  Empire  great,  but  in  its 
greatness  it  has  crowded  other  nations  and  awakened 
their  enmity.  To  maintain  commercial  supremacy 
there  are  needed  :  a  navy  to  protect  the  great  fleet  of 
commerce-carriers,  and  a  standing  army  that  can 
guarantee  the  security  of  the  enormous  capital  in- 
vested in  the  home  industries.  But  while  promoting 


PARTY    POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  2/ 

industrialism  foreign  trade  alone  must  not  be  con- 
sidered, for  72  per  cent,  of  the  output  of  the  indus- 
tries are  consumed  at  home,  and  therefore  due 
attention  must  be  paid  to  the  maintenance  of  the 
purchasing  power  of  the  home  people.  Then,  since 
a  large  part  of  wealth  primarily  comes  from  the  soil, 
agriculture  must  be  fostered.  To  do  this  in  a  country 
where  nearly  all  of  the  available  land  is  under  culti- 
vation, and  where  artificial  fertilization  is  needed  to 
even  maintain  the  output,  a  protective  tariff  must 
be  called  in  to  bring  the  price  of  imported  foodstuffs 
up  to  the  cost  of  domestic  production.  As  soon  as  / 
this  is  broached,  two  great  difficulties  arise.  Any 
increase  in  the  cost  of  living  will  add  to  the  cost  of 
producing  those  articles  sold  in  the  world's  markets 
and  whose  accruing  profits  must  pay  the  workmen 
at  home.  And  then,  the  countries  affected  by  the 
tariff  on  food  supplies  will  seek  to  place  an  equaliz- 
ing duty  on  German  importations  and  perhaps  make 
more  difficult  the  securing  of  raw  material  which 
Germany  must  have. 

The  Conservatives  give  their  support  to  the  agra- 
rian interests  and  ask  for  higher  duties  on  agricultural 
products ;  the  Social-Democrats  insist  that  such  a 
schedule  would  increase  out  of  all  proportion  the 
cost  of  living,  and  freely  call  its  advocates  "  the  op- 
pressors of  the  working  classes,"  "  extortioners,"  and 
"  starvers  of  widows  and  orphans  "  ;  the  Liberals  lie 
in  their  helplessness  between  the  millstones  of  capi- 
talism and  socialism ;  while  the  Centrists  compile 
statistics  to  show  that  the  old  tariff  law  of  1818,  with 
its  forty-three  articles  on  the  schedule,  did  not  meet 
the  exigencies  of  the  present  time,  especially  since 


28 


POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 


within  the  period  of  its  operation  thirty-four  States 
have  increased  their  duties  to  Germany's  disadvan- 
tage, and  they  give  t!heir  powerful  aid  to  the  Gov- 
ernment to  secure  a  schedule  that  will  be  of  benefit 
to  the  agriculturists  and  assist  in  securing  commer- 
cial treaties  which  will  be  of  great  value  to  the/ 
industrial  Liberals.  In  the  opinion  of  some,  this 
assistance  has  been  dearly  purchased,  and  the  recent 
victories  of  the  Social-Democrats  are  interpreted  by 
them  as  a  rebuke  to  the  Government  for  its  friendly 
relations  with  the  Central  party. 

It  may  safely  be  said  that  no  country,  at  the  present 
time,  has  so  difficult  a  problem  to  solve  as  the  one 
that  confronts  Germany.  Its  trade  as  compared 
with  other  nations  is  about  as  follows,  in  millions  of 
dollars : 


England. 

Germany. 

France. 

Russia. 

Imports  in  food  and  raw  material. 
Exports  ... 

1800 

T.JC 

1450 
II  ^O 

445 
2^0 

200 
lie 

Excess  of  imports  over  exports.  .  . 

1425 

300 

195 

85 

England  meets  this  balance  that  stands  against 
her  from  the  freights  received  in  carrying  the  great 
bulk  of  the  trade  between  countries,  and  does  not 
attempt  to  turn  the  balance  in  the  other  direction 
by  fostering  agriculture,  from  the  fact,  that  no  culti-,, 
vation,  however  intense,  could  meet  the  demands, 
and  so  the  question  is  not  agitated.  But  in  Ger- 
many, the  case  is  different.  Here  the  imports  of 
food  amount  to  seven  hundred  and  fifty  millions 


PARTY    POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  29 

of  dollars,  and  if  this  could  be  cut  down  half  by 
improving  the  conditions  at  home,  the  trade  ac- 
count would  be  nicely  balanced.  This  furnished 
the  agrarian  economist  and  statistician  with  the 
basis  of  his  arguments  in  favor  of  aid  toagriculture. 
His  position  is  by  no  means  hopeless,  for  he  can 
show  that  he  already  supplies  his  country  with 
95  per  cent,  of  the  meat  consumed,  that  the  aver- 
age weight  of  the  animals  has,  by  better  feeding, 
gradually  increased,  and  the  limit  is  not  reached. 
,  The  farmer  declares  that  the  duty  on  wheat  and  rye 
\  is  neither  novel  nor  unreasonable.  In  the  German 
Zollverein  there  was  a  duty  on  agricultural  products 
until  1865,  free  from  duty  between  that  date  and 
1879,  when  it  was  placed  at  one  mark  per  double 
centner  on  wheat  and  rye,  raised  in  1885  to  three 
marks,  in j  887  to  five,  and  since  then  has  never  been 
less  than  three  and  a  half.  The  new  law  places  a 
minimum  duty  of  five  marks  a  double  centner  on 
rye  and  five  and  a  half  on  wheat,  since  wheat  is 
regarded  as  more  of  a  luxury  than  rye,  and  a  maxi- 
mum duty  of  six  and  a  half  marks  on  both.  He 
answers  the  charge  of  the  Social-Democrats  that  he 
will  make  it  impossible  for  the  laborer  to  purchase 
the  necessities  of  life,  by  stating  the  fact  that  during 
the  last  twenty  years  the  cost  of  bread  has  not  been 
affected  in  the  slightest  degree  by  the  changes  in 
duty,  nor  has  it  been  appreciably  influenced  by  the 
great  fluctuations  in  the  market  price  of  wheat 
and  rye. 

The  agrarian  expresses  his  desire  to  aid  the  Gov- 
ernment in  its  negotiations  for  commercial  treaties 
which  expire  at  the  close  of  this  year — treaties  that 


30  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

are  essential  for  the  manufacturers  of  the  Empire — 
by  adopting  a  maximum  duty  for  nations  that  will 
make  no  concessions  and  a  minimum  duty  for  favor- 
ing Governments.  It  is  true  that  the  figures  adopted 
are  not  so  high  as  the  rabid  agrarian  demanded.  It 
is  also  true  that  the  great  gains  of  the  Social-Demo- 
crats may  be  regarded  by  some  of  the  nations  as 
promise  of  a  growing  free-trade  sentiment  and  in- 
duce them  to  try  to  drive  harder  bargains  with  Ger- 
many when  framing  the  treaties. 

Parenthetically,  it  might  be  said  that  this  is  the 
only  evil  that  can  grow  out  of  the  increased  repre- 
sentation of  the  Social-Democrats  in  the  Reichstag. 

Just  here  it  might  be  well  to  correct  the  false  im- 

(pression  that  the  bulk  of  the  army  comes  from  the 
agricultural  classes,  and  therefore  the  Government, 
and  some  say  the  Emperor,  is  willing  to  make  con- 
cessions to  the  agrarians  to  secure  their  cheerful  aid 
in  maintaining  the  strength  of  the  army.  It  is  not 
known  that  any  one  in  authority  is  especially  pleased 
to  have  a  large  army.  Practically  all  who  give  it 
their  approval  and  support  realize  that  the  army 
is  a  necessity  and  not  for  parade.  And  so  far  as 
concerns  the  sections  from  which  the  recruits  come, 
it  appears  that  one  recruit  is  furnished  from  each 
2.12  square  kilometres  of  the  agricultural  section, 
while  the  industrial  districts  send  one  recruit  from 
each  1.54  square  kilometres.  These  figures  are  based 
upon  place  of  birth  and  cannot  admit  the  explana- 
tion that  fathers  with  sons,  and  lads  seeking  work, 
come  to  the  industrial  centres,  and  there  entering 
'the  army  make  the  difference  that  is  so  apparent. 
Commercial  treaties  are  a  necessity  to  the  indus- 


PARTY   POLICIES   IN    GERMANY.  31 

trial  Liberal.  He  cannot  build  up  a  great  enterprise 
and  establish  a  foreign  market  without  having  some 
assurance  as  to  the  conditions  which  he  must  meet 
abroad,  and  also  that  they  will  be  permanent.  He 
therefore  favors  a  broad-gauge  tariff,  within  whose 
limits  conditions  favorable  to  him  may  be  secured 
and  at  the  same  time  not  add  so  much  to  the  cost 
of  living  as  to  require  higher  wages  with  such  a 
consequent  increase  in  the  cost  of  production  as  to 
jeopardize  his  hold  on  foreign  trade. 

It  is  just  this  desideratum  that  the  Government 
seeks. 

At  this  point  the  Centrists,  the  politicians  of  op- 
portunity, step  in  and  say :  We  will  agree  to  a  slight 
increase  in  duty  on  foodstuffs  demanded  by  our  Con- 
servative friends,  provided  you  will  use  the  revenues 
thus  obtained  for  pensioning  widows  and  orphans; 
we  realize  the  importance  of  having  a  strong  army 
to  guarantee  the  security  of  our  home  establish- 
ments, and  a  powerful  navv  to  protect  the  fleet 
that  carries  the  products  of(our  friends  of  the  LefO 
and  will  agree  to  the  larger  army  and  new  navy, 
if  you  will  meet  this  additional  expense  by  an  in- 
crease in  the  stamp  tax,  a  duty  on  foreign  beer, 
alcohol,  champagne,  and  certain  recognized  luxuries. 
And  to  the  Social-Democrats  they  say :  Your  social 
agitations,  your  continual  call  for  the  uplift  of  the 
working  classes,  the  unceasing  holding  up  of  the 
example  of  the  rich  and  the  luxuries  they  enjoy, 
have  awakened  in  the  minds  of  the  laborer  wants 
that  can  be  met  only  out  of  higher  wages,  which 
endangers  our  industrial  interest,  or  by  a  decreased 
cost  of  living,  which  would  drive  agriculture  from 


32  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

our  country.  You  are  therefore  the  enemies  of  the 
laborer,  of  the  industrials  who  give  him  work,  and  of 
the  agrarians  who  feed  him. 

PROBABLE   ATTITUDE    OF   THE   GOVERNMENT. 

A  nation  with  four  strong  parties  and  nearly  a 
score  of  factions  faithfully  striving  to  meet) the  in- 
terests of^three  important  and  mutually  interde- 
pendent classes7has  upon  its  hands  a  complex  and 
difficult  task,  "but  out  of  some  of  the  complications 
help  will  si  '•ely  come.  It  will  not  be  possible  to 
enact  any  law  that  would  be  temporarily  beneficial 
to  a  few  and  ultimately  injurious  to  many.  Every 
measure  must  be  a  compromise  in  order  to  con- 
ciliate a  sufficient  number  to  secure  its  passage,  and 
the  thorough  discussion  which  it  must  receive  from 
its  many-viewed  adherents  will  make  it  take  on  its 
best  possible  form. 

The  Government  may  use  the  Centrists  and  the 
Conservatives  to  secure  the  adoption  of  the  com- 
mercial treaties,  and  employ  the  Social-Democrats 
as  whips  to  keep  them  in  line. 

A  leaning  towards  industrialism  and  the  building 
of  a  powerful  navy  for  its  security  serve  notice  on 
the  Junker  element  that  their  unreasonable  demands 
for  protection  will  not  be  considered.  The  Catho- 
lics in  their  organization  of  October  24,  1890, 
announced  it  their  purpose  to  antagonize  the  So- 
cial-Democrats ;  and  they,  in  turn,  at  their  Halle 
convention,  declared  war  on  Catholicism. 

The  various  Liberal  factions  may  unite  and  take 
a  socialistic  term,  and  the  monarchical  parties  may 
combine  against  socialism  in  a  pan-German  body  for 


PARTY   POLICIES    IN   GERMANY.  33 


lasfl 
inor 


the  adjustment  of  domestic  policies.  In  the 
election  there  were  many  instances  in  which  minor 
local  considerations  outweighed  the  lines  on  which 
the  parties  were  generally  divided.  Thus  the  Cen-\|  [ 
trists  and  Liberals  united  in  Westphalia,  Nassau, 
Baden,  Hesse,  and  Rheinland  to  defeat  the  Social- 
Democrats  ;  in  one  district  the  Centrists  and  the 
Social-Democrats  joined  to  defeat  a  Liberal ;  in 
Geestemiinde  the  agrarians  voted  for  a  National 
Liberal ;  the  National  Liberals  and  the  agrarians 
unitedly  opposed  the  Social-Democrats  in  Wiirtem- 
berg ;  and  the  Silesian  farmers  sought  the  support  of 
the  Social-Democrats  because  the  tariff  was  not  high 
enough  and  to  show  their  enmity  to  the  Government's 
position  in  its  treaty  with  Russia.  And  even  some 
of  the  towers  of  strength  fell.  The  National  Liberals 
lost  their  two  best  orators,  Bassermann  and  Hasse, 
the  leaders  of  pan-Germanism  ;  Oertel,  the  last  ex- 
treme of  conservatism,  was  left  at  home  ;  Dr.  Barth> 
the  head  of  the  Progressive  party,  was  defeated  ;  and 
no  one  has  reported  great  grief  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  over  the  downfall  of  the  four  agrarian 
champions. 

Much  can  be  learned  from  this  election  and 
those  in  authority  will  not  fail  to  profit  by  its 
lessons.  On  January  2Oth  of  this  year  even,  the 
Imperial  Chancellor,  foreseeing  the  tendencies,  as- 
serted that  a  halt  in  the  development  of  social  im- 
provement was  impossible,  but  the  advance  must  be 
along  sound  and  normal  lines.  There  are  already 
under  consideration  such  questions  as  the  housing 
of  the  working  classes,  suppression  of  unhealthful  in- 
dustries in  residential  communities,  the  interdiction 


34  POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND 

of  speculation  in  foodstuffs  and  monopolies  in  build- 
ing sites,  public  playgrounds,  sanitary  inspection, 
revision  of  tenement  laws,  leave  of  absence  with  pay 
for  all  employees  who  have  been  a  certain  time  in 
the  public  service,  and  insurance  against  lack  of  work. 

In  a  word,  the  general  principle  will  doubtless  be 
to  meet  the  demands  for  social  betterment,  insure 
material  prosperity,  and  utilize  the  best  features 
of  democracy  rather  than  violently  oppose  it.  To 
accomplish  all  this  will  be  a  difficult  task,  but  it  is  to 
these  questions  of  vital  internal  importance  that  the 
forces  of  the  Empire  will  be  turned  for  months  to 
come.  The  great  problem  is  not  only  to  "  trim 
ship  "  but  to  steer  the  ship  of  State  amongst  the 
obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  by v  the  seventeen  fac- 
tions\that  impede  her  progress,  and  those  who  im- 
agirfe  that  every  measure  proposed  in  Germany  is  a 
menace  to  other  nations  or  a  revenge  upon  any  one 
of  them  has  a  distorted  vision  and  an  unsound  if  not 
wicked  judgment. 

Looking  still  farther  into  the  future  suggests  the 
query  as  to  what  will  be  the  result  of  the  red  flood  of 
social  democracy  which  has  overflowed  its  banks  and 
swallowed  up  part  of  the  adjacent  territory.  A  care- 
ful study  of  the  question  will  convince  the  most 
timid  that  it  is  not  fraught  with  any  danger.  As  an 
issue  it  is  social  rather  than  political,  and  a  party 
that  does  not  seek  political  mastery  can  never  wield 
an  effective  power.  As  an  organization  it  has  be- 
come strong  because  its  agitators  find  their  illustra- 
tions in  the  daily  lives  of  those  to  whom  they  speak 
and  the  Utopia  which  they  picture  seems  easy  of 
reach.  It  deals  in  generalizations  so  glittering  that 


PARTY    POLICIES   IN   GERMANY.  35 

any  analyses  would  seem  like  a  useless  awakening 
from  a  blissful  dream. 

Said  Bebel  in  1891:  "It  is  not  the  question 
whether  we  achieve  this  or  that.  For  us,  Social- 
Democrats,  the  main  thing  is  that  we  make  demands 
which  no  other  party  has  made  or  can  make."  And 
his  lieutenant,  Schippel,  declared  :  "  If  free-trade  is 
on  the  Government's  chariot,  we  shall  oppose  free- 
trade  ;  if  protection  is  there,  we  shall  strike  at  pro- 
tection. The  chief  thing  in  any  event  is  to  strike 
vigorously."  All  of  this  is  like  striking  at  nebulosity 
and  hitting  nothing. 

It  claims  to  be  the  party  of  the  laborer,  but  in  the 
last  Reichstag  they  had  only  one  laboring  man, 
strictly  speaking,  a  cigar-maker ;  their  chief  apostle, 
Singer,  is  a  capitalist,  and  no  party  has  so  many 
editors  and  writers,  thirty-two  in  number,  ranging 
from  Bebel  down,  while  thirty-one  are  employers  of 
labor.  It  is  a  party  of  writers  and  talkers  who  look 
at  things  from  an  academic  standpoint,  and  reason 
from  what  they  are,  not  to  what  they  ought  to  be.  In 
1902,  when  the  tariff  bill  was  under  consideration, 
they  consumed  in  its  discussion  126  hours  out  of  the 
total  of  2 1 8.  They  declared  in  their  Erfurth  program 
that  religion  is  a  personal  matter  and  that  school  at- 
tendance should  be  obligatory.  Then  they  asked  for 
a  repeal  of  section  166  of  the  statute  which  forbids 
impiety  and  disrespect  to  religion,  and  applauded 
Liebknecht  when  he  said  :  "  The  schools  must  be 
mobilized  against  the  Church,  the  teacher  against  the 
priest,  and  correct  education  supplant  religion." 

The  question  that  is  now  agitating  them  is,  Shall 
they  insist  upon  a  vice-presidency,  and  would  their 


36  PARTY   POLICIES    IN   GERMANY. 

principles  allow  one  of  their  number,  if  elected,  to 
pay  to  the  Emperor  the  deference  that  is  expected  ? 
Although  the  contingency  is  somewhat  distant,  it 
might  be  well  for  them  to  reflect  upon  the  difficulty 
Singer  might  have,  when  presiding,  to  maintain  order 
when  he  himself  refused  to  leave  the  House  when 
declared  guilty  of  violating  its  rules.  But  they 
are  undergoing  a  change.  At  their  Munich  con- 
vention they  were  indignant  that  no  State  official 
formally  welcomed  them,  and  at  Stuttgart  they  were 
pleased  to  listen  to  a  formal  official  greeting.  They 
no  longer  leave  the  hall  when  the  Emperor  is 
cheered,  and  they  are  conforming  to  the  rules  of  pro- 
cedure and  methods  of  administration  against  which 
they  protested  a  few  years  ago.  They  are  members 
of  committees  and  have  even  served  as  chairmen. 
As  a  party  they  have  passed  through  many  of  the 
troubles  of  childhood,  and  the  sooner  they  achieve 
power  and  have  to  assume  the  responsibilities  into 
which  they  will  thus  come  the  better  it  will  be.  It 
will  then  be  seen  that  a  party  largely  recruited  from 
the  ranks  of  the  discontented  and  the  dreamers 
cherish  fatuous  hopes  and  intangible  theories. 

Socialism,  as  a  political  principle  in  Germany,  is  a 
wave,  a  wave  that  is  now  striking  against  certain 
bulwarks  and  causes  a  foam  whose  mists  in  a  meas- 
ure obscure  the  horizon,  but  the  wise  Emperor  and 
his  astute  Chancellor  will,  little  by  little,  eradicate 
the  causes  of  social  irritation,  the  foam  and  mist 
will  disappear,  and  not  even  an  eddy  will  be  seen. 


<1 

3ITY 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY. 

54 — Relation  of  the  Tariff  to  Wages.  By  DAVID  A.  WELLS.  Oc- 
tavo, paper 20 

58 — Politics  as  a  Duty  and  as  a  Career.  By  MOORFIELD  STOREY. 
Octavo,  paper 25 

59— Monopolies  and  the  People.  By  CHAS.  W.  BAKER.  Octavo, 
cloth.  Third  edition,  revised  and  enlarged.  .  .  i  50 

62 — American  Farms:  Their  Condition  and  Future.  By  J.  R. 
ELLIOTT.  Octavo i  25 

63— Want  and  Wealth.     By  E.  J.  SHRIVER.     Paper     .         .         25 

64 — The  Question  of  Ships.  By  WELLS  and  CODMAN.  Paper,  2  5 
Mercantile  Marine;  Its  Cause  and  its  Cure.  By  DAVID  A. 
WELLS;  and  Shipping  Subsidies  and  Bounties.  By  JOHN 
CODMAN. 

65 — A  Tariff  Primer.  The  Effects  of  Protection  upon  the  Farmer 
and  Laborer.  By  Hon.  PORTER  SHERMAN.  Paper  .  25 

66 — The  Death  Penalty.  A  Consideration  of  the  Objections  to 
Capital  Punishment.  By  ANDREW  J.  PALM.  New  edition 
in  preparation. 

68 — Parties  and  Patronage.  By  LYON  G.  TYLER,  President  William 
and  Mary  College  ......  i  oo 

70 — The  Question  of  Silver.  Revised  edition.  By  Louis  R. 
EHRICH.  Paper,  40  cents;  cloth  .  .  .  -75 

71— Who  Pays  Your  Taxes  ?  By  DAVID  A.  WELLS,  THOMAS  G. 
SHEARMAN  and  others.  Edited  by  BOLTON  HALL  .  i  25 

73 — The  Economy  of  High  Wages.  By  J.  SCHOENHOF,  author  of 
"The  Industrial  Situation, "etc.  Octavo,  cloth  .  .  i  50 

74— The  Silver  Situation  in  the  United  States.  By  Prof.  F.  W. 
TAUSSIG.  Revised  edition.  Octavo  .  .  .  75 

75 — A  Brief  History  of  Panics,  and  their  Periodical  Occurrence  in 
the  United  States.  By  CLEMENT  JUGLAR.  Translated  by  DE 
COURCEY  W.  THOM.  Octavo  i  oo 


QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY. 

76 — Industrial  Arbitration  and  Conciliation.     By  JOSEPHINE  SHAW 

LOWELL.  Paper,  40  cents;  cloth 75 

77 — Primary  Elections.  A  Study  of  Methods  for  Improving  the 

Basis  of  Party  Organization.     By  DANIEL  S.  REMSEN  .         75 
79 — Joint-Metallism.       By  ANSON   PHELPS  STOKES.      Fifth  edi- 
tion    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  i  oo 

80 — "  Common  Sense  "  Applied  to  Woman  Suffrage.  By  MARY 

PUTNAM-JACOBI,  M.D.  Paper,  50  cents;  cloth  .  .100 
82 — A  Sound  Currency  and  Banking  System.  How  it  may  be 

Secured.  By  ALLEN  RIPLEY  FOOTE.  Cloth  .  .  75 
84 — Real  Bi-Metallism  ;  or,  True  Coin  versus  False  Coin.  By 

EVERETT     P.     WHEELER.     Illustrated.     Paper,     40     cents; 

cloth .  75 

85 — Congressional  Currency.  By  A.  C.  GORDON.  Cloth.  i  25 
86 — Money  and  Prices.  By  J.  SCHOENHOF,  author  of  "  Economy  of 

High  Wages,"  etc.  Cloth i  50 

88 — The  War  of  the  Standards.  By  Judge  ALBION  W.  TOURGEE 

Paper,  40  cents;  cloth  .  .  75 

89 — A  General  Freight  and  Passenger  Post.  By  JAMES  L.  COWLES. 

Third  edition,  revised.  Cloth.  1.25;  paper.  .  .  50 
91 — Monetary  Problems  and  Reform.  By  CHAS.  H.  SWAN,  Jr.  75 
92 — The  Proposed  Anglo-American  Alliance.  By  CHARLES  A. 

GARDINER.  Paper  ....  .  25 

93 — Our  Right  to  Acquire  and  Hold  Foreign  Territory.  By  CHARLES 

A.  GARDINER.  Paper  .  .  50 

94 — The  Wheat  Problem.  By  Sir  WILLIAM  CROOKES.  .  i  25 
95 — The  Regeneration  of  the  United  States.  By  WILLIAM  MORTON 

GRINNELL i  oo 

96 — Railway  Control  by  Commissions.  By  FRANK  HENDRICK.  i  oo 
97 — Commercial  Trusts.  By  JOHN  R.  Dos  PASSOS  12°.  i  oo 
98 — Labor  and  Capital.  Edited  by  JOHN  P.  PETERS.  12°.  i  50 

99 — The  Social  Evil.  12° .  i  25 

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States.     By  "  VIGILANS  SED  ^QUUS." 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

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